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<rss version="2.0" xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/"><channel><title>Neueste Publikationen – IDOS</title><link>https://www.idos-research.de/</link><description>Publikationen des German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)</description><language>de</language><generator>TYPO3 EXT:news</generator><lastBuildDate>Mon, 26 Oct 2026 12:32:30 +0100</lastBuildDate><item><title>Regional favoritism and educational attainment in Africa</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/regional-favoritism-and-educational-attainment-in-africa/</link><description></description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>We investigate the impact of regional favoritism on educational attainment in Africa. Using geocoded, individual-level survey data from the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), we show that men who grew up in areas geographically linked to a national leader attain higher levels of education later in life. In contrast, we observe no beneficial effects of geographical leader connections for women on average; only a subset of women who have additional ethnic ties and are possibly from wealthier families experience such effects. We interpret these results using a discrete choice framework that models decisions regarding whether children continue schooling based on perceived returns to education versus the costs of that education. This framework suggests that preferential educational policies are unlikely to be the primary cause of the higher attainment observed for men and the subset of women mentioned previously. Instead, educational choices appear to respond to expectations of local economic booms in geographically connected regions. Additional evidence, such as regarding the likelihood of skilled employment later in life, supports this interpretation.</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Externe Publikationen</category><author>Asatryan, Zareh / Thushyanthan Baskaran / Patrick Hufschmidt / Alexander Stöcker </author><pubDate>Mon, 26 Oct 2026 12:32:30 +0100</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/regional-favoritism-and-educational-attainment-in-africa/</guid></item><item><title>Regeneration der Städte – aber für wen?</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/die-aktuelle-kolumne/article/regeneration-der-staedte-aber-fuer-wen/</link><description>Anlässlich des diesjährigen Weltstädtetags ist entschlossenes politisches Handeln notwendig, um das Menschenrecht auf angemessenes Wohnen zu schützen.</description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><i>Bonn, 23.10.2026.</i><strong>Die Wohnungskrise gewinnt immer mehr an politischer Bedeutung und gehört zu den drängendsten sozialen Fragen unserer Zeit.</strong> Im September 2026 feierte Die Linke in Berlin einen deutlichen Wahlsieg, nachdem sie bezahlbaren Wohnraum und die&nbsp;<a href="https://www.zdfheute.de/politik/deutschland/linke-enteignung-wohnungskrise-immobilienkonzerne-wahl-abgeordnetenhaus-100.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">Enteignung von Immobilienkonzernen</a>&nbsp;zum zentralen Wahlkampfthema gemacht hatte. Nur wenige Tage später führte die Zwangsräumung von&nbsp;<a href="https://www.tagesschau.de/ausland/europa/demonstration-mieten-madrid-100.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">Maricarmen Abascal</a>&nbsp;in Madrid zu einer Regierungskrise und vorgezogenen Parlamentswahlen. In Südafrika hat eine geplante Änderung des nach dem Ende der Apartheid verabschiedeten Gesetzes gegen Zwangsräumungen in mehreren Großstädten&nbsp;<a href="https://groundup.org.za/article/housing-activists-oppose-proposed-pie-amendment-bill/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">Proteste</a> ausgelöst und dürfte den Ausgang der Kommunalwahlen im November maßgeblich beeinflussen.&nbsp;</p><p>Passend dazu ist der diesjährige&nbsp;<a href="https://urbanoctober.unhabitat.org/wcd" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">Weltstädtetag</a>&nbsp;am 31. Oktober dem Thema „Regeneration der Städte: Angemessener Wohnraum für alle“ gewidmet. Im&nbsp;<a href="https://unhabitat.org/world-cities-report-2026" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">World Cities Report 2026</a> bezeichnet das Wohn- und Siedlungsprogramm der Vereinten Nationen UN-Habitat den Zugang zu bezahlbarem und angemessenem Wohnraum als „eine der am schwersten zu bewältigenden und komplexesten globalen Herausforderungen des 21. Jahrhunderts“. Zugleich betont der Bericht, wie entscheidend Wohnraum für das sozioökonomische Wohlergehen, die menschliche Gesundheit, Bildung, Mobilität und soziale Inklusion ist.</p><p>Laut UN-Habitat hat die Wohnungskrise ein beispielloses Ausmaß erreicht. Weltweit wenden 44 % der Haushalte mehr als 30 % ihres Einkommens für Wohnen auf. Da Wohnraum in vielen Städten zum Spekulationsobjekt geworden ist – mit politisch begünstigenden Rahmenbedingungen – explodieren die Wohnkosten. Die Folgen dieser&nbsp;<a href="https://www.urbanet.info/the-global-housing-crisis/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">Finanzialisierung</a>&nbsp;sind unbezahlbare Mieten, beengte Wohnverhältnisse und zunehmende Obdachlosigkeit. Derzeit haben fast 3,4 Mrd. Menschen&nbsp;<a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/special-procedures/sr-housing/human-right-adequate-housing" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">keinen Zugang zu adäquatem Wohnraum</a>&nbsp;– so viele wie nie zuvor. Über eine Milliarde Menschen leben in informellen Siedlungen, in baufälligen Unterkünften ohne funktionierende Grundversorgung oder in unsicheren Wohnverhältnissen. UN-Habitat zufolge wurden von 2003 bis 2023 weltweit mindestens 64 Millionen Menschen im Zuge von Stadtentwicklungsprozessen zwangsgeräumt.</p><p>Die Wohnungskrise ist ein globales Phänomen, trifft Subsahara-Afrika jedoch besonders hart. Südafrika ist dafür ein typisches Beispiel. Es gehört zu den Ländern mit der weltweit größten Ungleichheit: Rund&nbsp;<a href="https://wir2026.wid.world/www-site/uploads/2026/09/World_Inequality_Report_2026.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">86 % des Vermögens entfallen auf die reichsten 10 % der Bevölkerung</a>. Städte, in denen die Regierung unzureichend formalen, bezahlbaren Wohnraum bereitstellt und große Unternehmen und Finanzinstitute zunehmend den Immobilienmarkt dominieren, sind auch heute noch von den räumlichen Ungleichheiten aus der Apartheid geprägt. Knapp&nbsp;<a href="https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/2026/05/wcr_2026.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">10 Millionen Menschen (etwa 24 % der Stadtbevölkerung Südafrikas)</a> leben in informellen Siedlungen am Stadtrand oder in den Innenstädten, die meisten von ihnen Schwarze, darunter viele Migrant*innen.</p><p>Um räumlichen Ungerechtigkeiten entgegenzuwirken, hob die Regierung nach dem Ende der Apartheid die Regelungen gegen Landbesetzungen – welche der nicht-<i>weißen</i> Bevölkerung den Zugang zu den Städten und das Recht auf Ansiedlung verwehrt hatten – durch neue Gesetze auf. Das 1998 verabschiedete&nbsp;<a href="https://sundayindependent.co.za/mercury/news/2026-06-12-protests-erupt-against-the-pie-amendment-bill-across-south-africa/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">Gesetz zur Verhinderung illegaler Räumungen (PIE Act</a>) entkriminalisierte die Besetzung von Grundstücken und verbot Räumungen ohne ordnungsgemäßes Verfahren und alternative Unterbringung. Aktuell bereitet die Regierung jedoch eine Gesetzesnovelle vor, welche die Position von Menschen schwächt, die nach einer Räumung von Obdachlosigkeit bedroht sind, und zugleich die Sanktionen bei Grundstücksbesetzungen ausweitet. Zudem drohen zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen Strafen, wenn sie sich mit den betroffenen Gemeinschaften solidarisieren und ihnen rechtlich beistehen, ihnen unterstellend, sie würden zu diesen Besetzungen „anstiften“.</p><p>Darin spiegelt sich ein Trend wider, der Wohnungskrise mit Zwangsräumungen und Polizeieinsätzen zu begegnen, anstatt das verfassungsrechtlich verankerte Recht auf Wohnen umzusetzen. Eigentlich garantieren südafrikanische Gesetze den Schutz von Betroffenen und bekennen sich zur&nbsp;<a href="https://www.polity.org.za/article/premier-lesufi-and-mec-motara-send-mixed-messages-on-upgrading-informal-settlements-leaving-residents-confused-2025-09-08" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">Verbesserung informeller Siedlungen, um die Grundversorgung bereitzustellen und sicheren Wohnraum zu schaffen</a>. Diese Vorkehrungen verkommen jedoch zur Farce, da die Regierung geräumten Gemeinschaften alternativen Wohnraum verweigert – es sei denn, sie wird vor Gericht dazu verpflichtet. Mitunter werden Wohneinheiten auch ohne gerichtliche Anordnung abgerissen oder geräumt, um Besetzungen oder die weitere Ausbreitung informeller Siedlungen zu verhindern. Regierungsmitglieder&nbsp;<a href="https://iol.co.za/news/politics/2025-09-04-lesufi-vows-to-demolish-illegal-informal-settlements-at-2am-were-tired-of-this/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">brandmarkten die Bewohner*innen informeller Siedlungen zuletzt als Feinde</a> und machten Migrant*innen ohne Aufenthaltsstatus für das Wachstum dieser Viertel verantwortlich.&nbsp;</p><p>Letztlich geht es um mehr als Wohnraum – in Südafrika wie weltweit. Städtische Regeneration wirft tiefgreifende politische Fragen auf: Wer hat das Recht zu bleiben, dazuzugehören und die Stadt mitzugestalten? Wie kann&nbsp;<a href="https://www.misereor.de/towards-urban-social-cohesion-and-migrant-inclusion" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">urbaner sozialer Zusammenhalt und die Inklusion (von Migrant*innen) gestärkt werden</a>? In ihrem neuen&nbsp;<a href="https://unhabitat.org/un-habitats-strategic-plan-2026-2029" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer">Strategieplan</a>&nbsp;betont UN-Habitat die soziale Funktion von Land und Wohnraum für alle – anstatt die eines Luxusgutes für wenige. Wie das Beispiel Südafrika zeigt, reichen solide Gesetze und gute politische Ansätze allein dafür nicht aus. Es braucht auch politischen Willen und die passenden Instrumente für eine rechtebasierte Umsetzung sowie eine wirksame Regulierung.&nbsp;</p><hr><p><strong>Nomzamo Zondo</strong> ist Anwältin für Menschenrechte und Direktorin des Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa (SERI).</p><p><strong>Dr. Eva Dick</strong> ist Fachreferentin für städtische Entwicklung in der Abteilung Afrika/Naher Osten bei Misereor und assoziierte Wissenschaftlerin des German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS).&nbsp;</p><p><strong>Dr. Jacqueline Wingens </strong>ist Referentin für gerechte Stadtentwicklung bei Misereor und assoziierte Wissenschaftlerin am IDOS.</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Die aktuelle Kolumne</category><author>Zondo, Nomzamo / Eva Dick / Jacqueline Wingens</author><pubDate>Mon, 26 Oct 2026 10:00:00 +0100</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/die-aktuelle-kolumne/article/regeneration-der-staedte-aber-fuer-wen/</guid></item><item><title>Reviewing the implementation design of energy subsidy reforms: insights from novel cross-country data</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/reviewing-the-implementation-design-of-energy-subsidy-reforms-insights-from-novel-cross-country-data/</link><description></description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Over the past two decades, energy subsidy reforms have increasingly gained importance as mitigation measures to fight climate change. Still, many countries subsidize fossil energy consumption, and reforms are often short-lived. This paper presents harmonized cross-country data on the design of energy subsidy reforms, obtained from a structured literature review of both implemented and failed consumption subsidy reforms between 1978 and 2021. This standardized data enables the identification and validation of key design characteristics, including the motivation for reform, the use of gradual approaches, communication strategies, pricing mechanisms, and social protection measures, as well as their use in implementing reforms. The data highlight significant regional heterogeneity and emphasize the importance of context-specificity in shaping reform designs. The study also demonstrates the connection between key aspects of reform design and reform implementation, as well as associations with subsidy levels. It offers lessons for middle-income countries, especially those planning to implement carbon pricing policies. Lastly, this paper lays the groundwork for future research to explore these factors in greater detail; one avenue is to link design characteristics and political economy factors.</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Externe Publikationen</category><author>Böhl Gutierrez, Mauricio / Daniele Malerba</author><pubDate>Wed, 21 Oct 2026 12:48:02 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/reviewing-the-implementation-design-of-energy-subsidy-reforms-insights-from-novel-cross-country-data/</guid></item><item><title>A (re)newed case for the UN: Europe and the future of UN leadership</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/policy-brief/article/a-renewed-case-for-the-un-europe-and-the-future-of-un-leadership/</link><description>What does Europe need from the next UN Secretary-General, and how can they keep Europe engaged? The new policy brief identifies key trends in Europe&#039;s engagemet with the UN and sets out the priorities and recommendations the incoming SG can draw on.   </description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The transition to a new United Nations (UN) Secretary-General (SG) comes at a challenging moment, both for the organisation and its member states. It raises questions about how the next SG can guide the UN through volatile times and what they should prioritise amid mounting agendas and tightening budgets. It also gives member states an opportunity to reassess what they need from the UN and how they engage with it. Drawing on dis¬cussions at a convening of thinkers from across Europe, part of the Guidance and Regional Intelli¬gence for the Transition of UN Leadership project, this brief identifies key trends in Europe’s engage¬ment with the UN and lays out how the next SG can set priorities that matter to Europe and use the tools of their office to keep Europe engaged.</p><p>The challenge:<br>• Despite Europe’s significant financial contribu-tion, there is a perception that its influence at the UN is declining as global power shifts. Ear-marked funding still gives it consi¬der¬able say over the UN system, but its influence in formal settings is weakened by its own inconsistencies and by limited outreach to other regions.<br>• Europe’s interest in the UN may also be fading. Domestic pressures and competing crises push the organisation down the political agenda, as priori¬ties shift towards security, defence and competitiveness.<br><br>Priorities for the next SG, as seen from Europe:<br>• Among numerous agendas, two criteria for prioritisation emerged: (i) relevance to member states’ concerns; (ii) whether the UN can play a distinctive and valuable role.<br>• For Europe, this points to three areas: (i) peace and security, with the UN contributing to a future peace process and post-war reconstruction in Ukraine; (ii) migration, for which the UN offers a multilateral framework to tackle root causes such as conflict, climate change and global inequality over the long term; (iii) AI governance, where the UN can bring fragmented initiatives together and ensure they complement rather than compete with or duplicate one another.<br>Recommendations:<br>• Delivering on these priorities depends not on new mandates or processes – these should be avoided – but on the SG making better use of existing tools, such as their good offices function, their convening power and agenda-setting and their willingness to take political risks. It also depends on adequate financing by member states and on their political support.<br>• For Europe, the SG should lead with a strategy linked to issues salient to European audiences, act as a bridge-builder between Europe and other regions, and work with Europe’s interests at the UN, including demonstrating how sharing power and supporting a more equitable UN could serve both Europe and other regions in the long term.<br>&nbsp;</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Policy Brief</category><author>Novoselova, Anna</author><pubDate>Tue, 20 Oct 2026 15:22:43 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/policy-brief/article/a-renewed-case-for-the-un-europe-and-the-future-of-un-leadership/</guid></item><item><title>Regulating and mobilising the private sector for democracy protection in the European Union’s trade policy</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/policy-brief/article/regulating-and-mobilising-the-private-sector-for-democracy-protection-in-the-european-unions-trade-policy/</link><description>Democracies face threats from both within and outside. In this brief, we explore a key area of the EU’s external action in terms of its potential to safeguard democracy, namely its trade policy.</description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The European Union (EU) conditions access to its market on compliance with human rights, labour standards, and environmental policy and regulation. Its trade-related legislation falls into two categories: measures addressing partner governments and measures targeting the private sector. Within these two groups, only the first includes an instrument that specifically mentions democracy, namely the essential elements clause, which appears frequently in EU trade agreements yet has been invoked only once since 2014.<br>The EU is under domestic political pressure to deregulate in order to strengthen its competitiveness. The competitiveness agenda is cutting into the instruments the EU already has, especially amid geopolitical competition with China, making suspensionled conditionality against partner governments harder to enact. Our recommendations are as follows:</p><p>• Democracy protection stakeholders should shift their attention from suspension-led demo¬cracy support and conditionality aimed at partner governments towards the rules and incentives that run through the private sector. Even after the Omnibus reform’s narrowing scope, firm-facing rules remain in place. They are default-on and run through existing regulatory arrangements, and their potential geopolitical repercussions are smaller in comparison.<br>• Tender processes are one particular set of firm-facing rules. With the momentum behind the European Commission’s legislative proposal to revise the public procurement directive, corruption-based exclusion rules should be applied against operators linked to state capture in partner countries, as democratic backsliders often use public procurement to consolidate patronage networks.<br>• Firm-facing regulations also permit a different case to be made: stronger due diligence carries no measurable competitiveness penalty. Companies are not just subjects of regulation. They are also stakeholders with their own interest in transparent procurement and predictable rules. To bolster such a narrative, development cooperation should invest in developing compliance capacity, especially in autocratising states.<br>&nbsp;</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Policy Brief</category><author>Sinanoglu, Semuhi / Niels Keijzer</author><pubDate>Tue, 20 Oct 2026 11:03:33 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/policy-brief/article/regulating-and-mobilising-the-private-sector-for-democracy-protection-in-the-european-unions-trade-policy/</guid></item><item><title>Beyond markets: how to achieve just and transformative biodiversity conservation</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/policy-brief/article/beyond-markets-how-to-achieve-just-and-transformative-biodiversity-conservation/</link><description>Conservation needs reform, as current approaches towards biodiversity conservation have not been able to halt biodiversity loss. This policy brief provides a number of suggestions on how to make biodiversity conservation more just, equitable and more effective. </description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Conservation needs reform as current approaches have failed to halt biodiversity loss. Increasingly, environ¬mentalists are questioning whether market-based approaches and conventional policy instruments, particu¬larly protected areas, can make a substantial contribution towards mitigating the bio¬diversity crisis. Moreover, serious concerns about their equity and justice implications have been voiced by indigenous rights organisations, peasant movements and scholars.<br>In light of these concerns, this policy brief provides a number of suggestions on how to make biodiversity conservation more just, equitable and effective. It builds on discussions held during the sixth Enjust Conference “Offsetting Justice? Environmental justice in the age of market and militarized con¬servation”, which took place in Bonn from 3 to 5 December 2025. The conference brought together environmental justice scholars, political ecologists, activists as well as development and conservation practitioners from around the globe.&nbsp;<br>Our reflections and proposals support policymakers, members of parliament, conservation practitioners, and Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IP&amp;LCs) at the local and regional levels in initiating reforms of the protected area system and other conservation mechanisms for more effective, trans¬parent and fair protection.</p><p>Key messages:<br>• Just conservation: Conservation policies that contribute to environmental justice have the greatest potential to achieve long-term, sustainable and legitimate conservation outcomes for people and the planet.<br>• Land rights-based conservation: Land rights reconfigure power relations and are a key pre¬requisite for environmental justice. Collective land titles such as Colombia’s Peasant Reserve Zones (ZRCs) are a promising instrument.<br>• Towards distributive justice by reforming conservation finance: IP&amp;LCs should benefit more directly from forest, climate and biodiversity funding and should have a say in how money is spent in their communities. IP&amp;LC-led funds and designated funding windows for IP&amp;LCs are promising options.<br>• Basic Income for Nature and Climate (BINC): We suggest BINC as a promising measure to improve the livelihoods of IP&amp;LCs and to overcome the transactional logic of market-based instruments. BINC compensates for past environmental injustices and enables recipients to make land-use decisions that are less influenced by precarity and market forces.<br> <br><strong>Professor Dr Fernanda Figueroa</strong> currently works at the Facultad de Ciencias, Departamento de Ecología y Recursos Naturales, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.<br><strong>Dr Lasse Loft</strong> is a senior scientist at the Leibniz Centre for Agricultural Landscape Research (ZALF) in Müncheberg, Germany.<br><strong>Professor Dr Maano Ramutsindela</strong> is Professor of Human Geography at the University of Cape Town and the UP-UCT Future Africa Research Chair in Sustainability Transformations at the University of Pretoria and the University of Cape Town, South Africa.&nbsp;<br><strong>Georg Buchholz</strong> is team leader of the International Forest Policy sectoral project at GIZ, Germany.<br><strong>Dr Juan Sebastián Vélez Triana</strong> is a postdoctoral researcher with the Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique – FNRS / UCLouvain, Belgium, and a research associate at the Centre for Alternatives to Development (CEALDES), Colombia.&nbsp;<br><strong>Professor Dr Florian Dünckmann</strong> heads the Cultural Geography Research Group in the Department of Geography at Kiel University, Germany.<br><strong>Dr Ina Lehmann</strong> is assistant professor of Governance of Global Biodiversity at the Environmental Policy Analysis section at the Institute for Environmental Studies (IVM), Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands.<br><strong>Professor Dr Silja Klepp</strong> is professor of Human Geography at Kiel University, Germany.<br><strong>Dennis Schüpf</strong> is a PhD student in the Department of Geography, University of Bonn, Germany.<br><strong>Anne Rose Atkins</strong> is a doctoral candidate in the Social Geography of Coastal and Marine Areas working group at the Geography Department of Kiel University, Germany.<br><strong>Dumisani Chirambo</strong> is the founder of Seeds of Opportunity in Malawi.&nbsp;<br><strong>Felice Diekel</strong> is a PhD candidate at the Department of Civil Engineering &amp; Management at the University of Twente, Enschede, The Netherlands.<br><strong>Salome Gikonyo</strong> is part of the coordination team of the EnJust Network for Environmental Justice, Germany.&nbsp;<br><strong>Dr Rina Mardiana</strong> is a lecturer in the Human Geography Study Program, Faculty of Social Sciences and Human Ecology, at IPB University in Bogor, Indonesia.<br><strong>Dr Adnan Mirhanoğlu</strong> is an F.R.S.-FNRS postdoctoral researcher at the Centre d’Études de la Coopération Internationale et du Développement (CECID), Université libre de Bruxelles, Belgium. &nbsp;<br><strong>Kim Nierobisch</strong> is part of the coordination team of the EnJust Network for Environmental Justice, Germany.&nbsp;<br><strong>Kelly Peña</strong> is a PhD student at the Institute of Geography, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Germany.<br><strong>Professor Dr Prakash C. Tiwari </strong>works at the Centre for Ecology Development and Research in Dehradun, India.<br>&nbsp;</p>
]]></content:encoded><category>Policy Brief</category><author>Hein, Jonas et al.</author><pubDate>Tue, 20 Oct 2026 10:14:53 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/policy-brief/article/beyond-markets-how-to-achieve-just-and-transformative-biodiversity-conservation/</guid></item><item><title>From negotiations to implementation: the EU’s strategic repositioning ahead of COP31</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/from-negotiations-to-implementation-the-eus-strategic-repositioning-ahead-of-cop31/</link><description>This blog draws on discussions at a closed-door roundtable titled “EU Climate Diplomacy: Promoting EU and Global Climate Goals in the Evolving Climate Regime,” held in Brussels on 3 September 2026 and co-organised by ETTG, IDDRI and IDOS (more on the event here). The session convened senior officials from DG CLIMA, EU member states and experts. Views expressed reflect the range of positions raised in the discussion and are not attributed to individual participants or institutions; they do not necessarily represent the position of ETTG or its member institutes.</description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><i>This blog draws on discussions at a closed-door roundtable titled “EU Climate Diplomacy: Promoting EU and Global Climate Goals in the Evolving Climate Regime,” held in Brussels on 3 September 2026 and co-organised by ETTG, IDDRI and IDOS. The session convened senior officials from DG CLIMA, EU member states and experts. Views expressed reflect the range of positions raised in the discussion and are not attributed to individual participants or institutions; they do not necessarily represent the position of ETTG or its member institutes.</i></p>]]></content:encoded><category>Externe Publikationen</category><author>Perez-Catala, Anna / Hanne Knaepen / Mariana Camelo / Marta Torres Gunfaus / Steffen Bauer / Niels Keijzer</author><pubDate>Tue, 20 Oct 2026 09:31:21 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/from-negotiations-to-implementation-the-eus-strategic-repositioning-ahead-of-cop31/</guid></item><item><title>Social and environmental trade-offs and safeguards in Hydrogen production in the Middle East and North Africa region: insights from Morocco and Oman</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/discussion-paper/article/social-and-environmental-trade-offs-and-safeguards-in-hydrogen-production-in-the-middle-east-and-north-africa-region-insights-from-morocco-and-oman/</link><description>Low-carbon  hydrogen in Oman and Morocco is still being planned. The study compares how both countries govern resource demands, environmental risks and local participation while promised jobs and economic development remain uncertain. It identifies safeguards that can shape projects before build-out.</description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Several countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have launched initiatives to produce green hydrogen for their own use and for export, raising the question of what environmental and social effects such initiatives may generate, and how these can be anticipated and mitigated. Oman and Morocco are among the region’s frontrunners. Because all projects in these countries are still in the preparatory phase and no large-scale facility is yet in commercial operation, they offer the unusual opportunity to observe how safeguards, stakeholder participation and risk management are being configured before build-out, that is, before conditions are created that may not be easily reversed, thereby creating path dependencies.<br>Drawing on desk-based analysis, a comparative media review, and stakeholder interviews conducted in both countries, this study examines the environmental and social impacts of hydrogen projects in the two countries through the lens of four inter-related dimensions: (i) resource endowments, (ii) environmental risks, (iii) decision-making and governance arrangements, and (iv) social equity dynamics. It finds that the two states have developed different institutional settlements.<br>While environmental and social safeguards are increasingly integrated into hydrogen development, often drawing on international standards, their practical implementation often remains shaped by complex and fragmented institutional arrangements. This raises questions about the allocation of mandates, the distribution of responsibilities, the consistency of procedures and the capacity for long-term monitoring and traceability. The study therefore argues that institutional design is central to sustainable hydrogen development, as environmental and social risks may otherwise evolve faster than regulatory capacities, highlighting the need for robust impact assessment, monitoring frameworks and transparent reporting mechanisms.</p><p><strong>Dr Tobias Zumbraegel</strong> is a senior researcher at the University of Heidelberg and sustainability consultant at Momentum Novum GmbH.&nbsp;</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Discussion Paper</category><author>Zumbraegel, Tobias</author><pubDate>Mon, 19 Oct 2026 10:19:49 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/discussion-paper/article/social-and-environmental-trade-offs-and-safeguards-in-hydrogen-production-in-the-middle-east-and-north-africa-region-insights-from-morocco-and-oman/</guid></item><item><title>Wenn Austausch wirkt: Erkenntnisse zur Umsetzung von  Interaktionsformaten zwischen Wissenschaft, Politik und  Gesellschaft</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/wenn-austausch-wirkt-erkenntnisse-zur-umsetzung-von-interaktionsformaten-zwischen-wissenschaft-politik-und-gesellschaft/</link><description></description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Wie lassen sich Interaktionsformate zwischen Wissenschaft, Politik und Gesellschaft so gestalten und umsetzen, dass sie Wirkung für nachhaltige Entwicklung erzielen? Dieser Frage widmete sich die Begleitforschung des gemeinsamen Teilprojekts des Wuppertal Instituts für Klima, Umwelt, Energie (WI) und des German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) zu Ko-kreativer Formatentwicklung im Rahmen der Wissenschaftsplattform Nachhaltigkeit 2030 (wpn2030). Im neuen Ergebnispapier werden die Forschungsergebnisse von 24 Expert:inneninterviews zu Erfolgs- und Hinderungsfaktoren für das Design und die Durchführung von Interaktionsformaten am Science-Policy-Society-Interface zusammengefasst.</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Externe Publikationen</category><author>Löpelt, Sarah / Julia Schlarmann / Kim Paczkowski / Christa Liedtke / Axel Berger</author><pubDate>Fri, 16 Oct 2026 17:06:22 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/wenn-austausch-wirkt-erkenntnisse-zur-umsetzung-von-interaktionsformaten-zwischen-wissenschaft-politik-und-gesellschaft/</guid></item><item><title>Bridging the gap between health insurance eligibility and uptake: A multistate quantitative analysis of entitlement-based verification patterns under India’s PM-JAY Scheme</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/bridging-the-gap-between-health-insurance-eligibility-and-uptake-a-multistate-quantitative-analysis-of-entitlement-based-verification-patterns-under-indias-pm-jay-scheme/</link><description></description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Publicly-funded health insurance schemes, wherein governments subsidize insurance contributions for disadvantaged groups, are a key strategy under universal health coverage. India’s Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY) uses an entitlement-based approach whereby approximately 700 million beneficiaries are automatically eligible for scheme benefits, subject to a simplified identity verification procedure instead of enrolment. This study investigates the determinants of undergoing verification among PM-JAY’s target population to identify underserved groups and inform strategies to expand coverage. We used cross-sectional survey data from 2019-2020, covering 50,002 individuals across five states. We examined individual and household characteristics associated with verification using logistic regression models with district-level random effects, and beneficiary experiences with the verification process. About one-fifth of eligible individuals had verified their status within a year of launch. Verification was more likely among older adults, with those ≥60years having higher odds than those 0–15 years of age (adjusted Odd Ratio [AOR] 2.339; 95% CI 2.071-2.641). Those with higher education had higher odds than those with no formal education (AOR 2.303; 95% CI 2.048-2.590), those with prior PFHI enrolment had higher odds compared to those not enrolled (AOR 1.947; 95% CI 1.827-2.075), and those with chronic illness had higher odds than those without (AOR 1.175; 95% CI 1.071-1.289). Women and household members other than spouses were less likely to verify. Disadvantaged castes and minority religions demonstrated relatively higher verification rates. District-level factors explained nearly one-third of variability, indicating that infrastructure and implementation capacity differences influence uptake. Many beneficiaries reported long wait times, varying documentation demands, and informal payments during verification. Addressing these barriers requires gender-sensitive outreach, streamlined household-wide verification, and strengthened local health system capacity. Policy reforms that simplify verification, ensure equitable access, and strengthen health infrastructure are vital to advancing effective universal health coverage for India’s most vulnerable populations.</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Externe Publikationen</category><author>Srivastava, Swati / Tads Ciecierski-Holmes / Christoph Strupat / Divya Parmar/ Nishant Jain/ Manuela De Allegri</author><pubDate>Tue, 13 Oct 2026 14:03:05 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/bridging-the-gap-between-health-insurance-eligibility-and-uptake-a-multistate-quantitative-analysis-of-entitlement-based-verification-patterns-under-indias-pm-jay-scheme/</guid></item><item><title>Understanding firm dynamics and performance under COVID-19</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/understanding-firm-dynamics-and-performance-under-covid-19/</link><description>Did COVID-19 favour the most efficient firms, or the most privileged? Evidence from Egyptian manufacturing reveals how firms’ capabilities and pre-existing inequalities shaped their resilience, while government support disproportionately reached larger, less vulnerable sectors.</description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>We use data from the 2020/21 Egyptian Industrial Firm Behavior Survey (EIFBS) to examine the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on firm dynamics and performance. To gain a deeper understanding, our second objective is to explore potential underlying correlates of firm dynamics, specifically firm characteristics and behaviour. We also examine the distribution of COVID-19 government support to assess whether it targeted the most vulnerable sectors. The COVID-19 crisis induced both demand- and supply-side shocks, affecting the entire Egyptian manufacturing sector. However, in line with Schumpeter’s (1934. “Depressions: Can We Learn from Past Experience?” In Economics of the Recovery Program, edited by D. Brown, et al. New York: McGraw-Hill) theory of creative destruction, the market shows signs of ‘self-cleansing’, with less efficient firms more likely to exit or downsize. Our descriptive results show resilience of larger, public, formal, and export sector firms thus revealing pre-existing fragilities of the smaller, private and informal sector. These fragilities often reflect being less privileged. Public sector large firms operate under a ‘soft budget constraint’ and may thus appear artificially productive with better dynamics and performance compared to their less favoured counterparts. The contraction of the formal sector has expanded the informal one as the only alternative way to earn a living. As a ‘survival sector’, it has thus provided ‘helping-hand employment’. Firms that had adopted sound managerial practices, invested in innovation, technology, and worker training prior to the crisis were better positioned to adapt their business models and maintain performance post-crisis. Government support disproportionately reached larger and less vulnerable sectors, such as fabricated metals and rubber, suggesting a focus on survivability rather than vulnerability.</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Externe Publikationen</category><author>El-Haddad, Amirah / Chahir Zaki</author><pubDate>Tue, 13 Oct 2026 12:12:06 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/understanding-firm-dynamics-and-performance-under-covid-19/</guid></item><item><title>Social cohesion and climate-driven planned relocation in urban settlements: evidence from Suva, Fiji</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/policy-brief/article/social-cohesion-and-climate-driven-planned-relocation-in-urban-settlements-evidence-from-suva-fiji/</link><description>Planned relocation, the process of moving a community from one area of residence to a new one in response to an environmental risk or threat. Fiji has become a regional leader in planned relocation policy, taking on the challenge of doing planned relocation in urban settings.</description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Planned relocation, the process of moving a community from one area of residence to a new one in response to an environmental risk or threat, is an important option for climate change adaptation. Given the acute climate and environmental risks facing them, small island developing states (SIDS) have taken a leading role in developing policies and processes for planned relocation in response to these risks. This policy brief will look at how planned relocation works as an adaptation strategy in informal urban settlements and will examine the role of social cohesion in planned relocation processes. Fiji has become a regional leader in planned relocation policy, with the Human Mobility in Climate Change Contexts (HMCCC) project serving as a magnifier of Fiji’s existing expertise in planned relocation. Since 2017, the Fijian government and civil society in cooperation with the German and New Zealand governments have developed planned relocation standard operating procedures (SOPs) for helping villages in high-risk areas navigate the physical, cultural, social and economic costs of relocating to higher ground or a safer location. These SOPs have become a “gold standard” for other countries to learn from and emulate in their own planned relocation policies.&nbsp;<br>The next step that the government is starting to undertake involves adapting the SOPs to informal urban settle­ments that are facing climate and environ­mental risks. Fiji’s informal urban settlements have faced a number of social, political and eco­nomic challenges over the years. These include serious issues with crime, land insecurity and historical political exclusion. Thus, along with the threats that come with climate change, particularly sea-level rise and flooding, any planned relocation policy for informal urban settlements has to simultaneously address trust in institutions, cooperation for the common good, and inclusive identity. The historical case of the Bainiose being relocated from central Suva to a suburb of Suva in the late 1990s offers guidance on how this can be done.&nbsp;</p><p><i>Key policy messages</i></p><ul style="margin-left:-21px;"><li data-list-item-id="e3c3001e548b55ad5b6a69c726939cb99"><span>Planned relocation for communities in urban settings requires long-term planning for services such as new public transportation connections, schools, secure land tenure and health facilities.</span></li><li data-list-item-id="edbd4872ca6d274990867b0e5795be770"><span>Measures should be taken to build institutional trust with urban com­munities, who may lack the traditional mechanisms of chiefly or customary representa­tion that is present in rural settings.</span></li><li data-list-item-id="eddf477f665d1718fd2d6f27d23749350"><span>Community identity is often strong and can be a starting point for policy-makers and communities to identify sustainable options for relocation.</span></li></ul><p><strong>Dr Anawaite Matadradra </strong>is a Lecturer at the University of the South Pacific.<br><strong>Dr Sevanaia Sakai </strong>is a Senior Lecturer at the University of the South Pacific.<br><strong>Unaisi Raileqe</strong> is a Project Officer at the Pacific Centre for Peacebuilding.<br><strong>Dr Timothy Fadgen</strong> is a Senior Lecturer at the University of Auckland.</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Policy Brief</category><author>Martin-Shields, Charles / Anawaite Matadradra / Sevanaia Sakai / Unaisa Raileqe / Timothy Fadgen</author><pubDate>Tue, 13 Oct 2026 10:05:37 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/policy-brief/article/social-cohesion-and-climate-driven-planned-relocation-in-urban-settlements-evidence-from-suva-fiji/</guid></item><item><title>Private sector mobilisation: are we missing the bigger picture?</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/private-sector-mobilisation-are-we-missing-the-bigger-picture/</link><description></description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This week, the international development community will gather in Bangkok for the Annual Meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Amid pressing development needs and empty public purses, the Governors of the World Bank will discuss (one time more) how to mobilise private capital at scale, a pledge the international community has made but failed to realise. Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs) have been the predominant mobilisers of financial resources, accounting for 71% of the total mobilised private finance, with current mobilisation figures standing at approximately $108 billion per annum. However, this is only a tiny fraction of the private investment needed to achieve development and climate goals, highlighting the urgent need for a change in mobilisation approaches.</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Externe Publikationen</category><author> Zattler , Jürgen / Kathrin Berensmann / Yabibal Walle </author><pubDate>Tue, 13 Oct 2026 07:42:00 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/private-sector-mobilisation-are-we-missing-the-bigger-picture/</guid></item><item><title>Chasing the trillions: what MDB lending can - and cannot - mobilise</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/discussion-paper/article/chasing-the-trillions-what-mdb-lending-can-and-cannot-mobilise/</link><description>Multilateral development banks face increasing pressure to leverage their limited resources as development budgets shrink. Our paper examines the mobilisation potential of their financing instruments—and why higher leverage does not necessarily mean greater development impact.</description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This paper examines how additional private financial resources can be mobilised through the use of multilateral development bank (MDB) funds. It focuses on identifying the leverage potential of different financing instruments, improving their mobilisation efficiency, and examining how greater leverage can promote development outcomes while safeguarding the financial sustainability of MDBs. Its contribution is a comparative synthesis that brings together mobilisation mechanisms, differences in the public resources and risks underlying leverage ratios, and development impact. The analysis covers six categories: debt instruments, equity instruments, risk-transfer instruments, guarantees, advisory services and policy-based lending. It compares their characteristics, including the level of intervention, mobilisation mechanisms, constraints addressed and time horizons. It also distinguishes transaction-level private direct and indirect mobilisation from broader catalytic effects arising through market development, institutional strengthening and policy reforms.<br>The comparison shows why instruments cannot be assessed by a single leverage ratio. MDB lending, guarantee exposure and expenditure on advisory services represent different commitments of public resources and risk. Similarly, private finance linked to a transaction cannot be measured in the same way as subsequent investment enabled by policy reform. Available evidence therefore indicates differences in mobilisation potential rather than an established empirical ranking of instruments. The paper argues that leveraging efficiency can be increased by moving to more powerful approaches and by better targeting instruments to binding investment constraints. It examines how this can enhance the development impact and financial viability of MDB/DFI portfolios through two channels: a financial/portfolio efficiency channel and a development/catalytic channel. However, a high leverage ratio does not necessarily indicate superior performance. It may reflect investment in easier markets, weak additionality or an understatement of public risk. Conversely, a lower ratio may be consistent with greater additionality in a fragile market or pioneering sector. These findings highlight the importance of assessing leverage alongside additionality, development impact and financial sustainability. Using concessional funds through blended finance instruments can be costly and can reduce the resources available for other development priorities.<br>Therefore, the development finance institutions (DFIs) must strictly apply the additionality principle and further operationalise the principle of using minimum concessionality. If interpreted too generously, there is a risk of creating leverage without sufficient development impact. The paper provides specific recommendations for refining the use of financing instruments and integrating transaction-level support into a broader market-shaping approach that draws on the strengths of policy-based lending and technical assistance. Higher leverage should not be pursued as an end in itself; its value depends on its contribution to additional development impact.</p><p><strong>Dr Jürgen Karl Zattler</strong> is a distinguished non-resident fellow at the Center for Global Development in Washington, DC and a non-resident research fellow at the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) in Bonn. Until October 2023, he was Director General at the German Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ). Prior to that, he served as the Executive Director representing Germany at the World Bank.</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Discussion Paper</category><author>Zattler, Jürgen K. / Kathrin Berensmann / Yabibal Walle</author><pubDate>Mon, 12 Oct 2026 16:20:19 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/discussion-paper/article/chasing-the-trillions-what-mdb-lending-can-and-cannot-mobilise/</guid></item><item><title>From transformation to stability? European democracy support in the Middle East and North Africa since the Arab Uprisings</title><link>https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/from-transformation-to-stability-european-democracy-support-in-the-middle-east-and-north-africa-since-the-arab-uprisings/</link><description>Thilo Bodenstein and Mark Furness examine the EU’s changing approach to democracy support, highlighting the tension between promoting political reform and pragmatic engagement with regional governments.</description><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Since the Arab Uprisings, the objective of European democracy support in the Middle East and North Africa has shifted from political transformation towards pragmatic, development-oriented engagement. The EU faces an essential dilemma between its interest in democracy and the need to engage with authoritarian regimes seen as essential for regional stability. In an increasingly multipolar region, Europe needs to maintain its offer of democracy support but rethink how to make it more effective.</p>]]></content:encoded><category>Externe Publikationen</category><author>Bodenstein, Thilo / Mark Furness</author><pubDate>Mon, 12 Oct 2026 12:17:32 +0200</pubDate><guid isPermaLink="true">https://www.idos-research.dehttps://www.idos-research.de/externe-publikationen/article/from-transformation-to-stability-european-democracy-support-in-the-middle-east-and-north-africa-since-the-arab-uprisings/</guid></item></channel></rss>
