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		<title>Neueste Publikationen</title>
		<link>https://www.idos-research.de/</link>
		<description>Publikationen des German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)</description>
		<language>de</language>
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			<title>Neueste Publikationen</title>
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			<link>https://www.idos-research.de/</link>
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			<description>Publikationen des German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)</description>
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		<lastBuildDate>Thu, 05 Mar 2026 11:49:19 +0100</lastBuildDate>
		
		
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			<title>Enjust-Netzwerk für Umweltgerechtigkeit </title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/enjust-netzwerk-fuer-umweltgerechtigkeit/</link>
			<description>Bericht über die 6. internationale Konferenz des Netzwerks Enjust zum Thema &quot;Offsetting Justice? Environmental Justice in the age of market and militarized conservation&quot; in Bonn.
</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Bericht über die 6. internationale Konferenz des Netzwerks Enjust zum Thema "Offsetting Justice? Environmental Justice in the age of market and militarized conservation" in Bonn.</p>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Thu, 05 Mar 2026 11:49:19 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>Colonial nostalgia, neo-colonial extraction, or domestic protectionism? three hypotheses on Rubio’s Munich address and the Global South</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/colonial-nostalgia-neo-colonial-extraction-or-domestic-protectionism-three-hypotheses-on-rubios-munich-address-and-the-global-south/</link>
			<description>Andy Sumner and Stephan Klingebiel lay out the contours of the new ‘nationalist conditionality regime’: US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s address to the 2026 Munich Security Conference marked a striking departure from post-Cold War diplomatic norms. The speech was not a routine restatement of transatlantic solidarity. It was an assertive articulation of civilisational protectionism, framed around Western re-industrialisation, the acquisition of critical minerals, and the subordination of multilateral development frameworks. For scholars of international development and global inequality, the implications are significant and warrant careful scrutiny.</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Marco Rubio's address confirms that the normative foundations of international cooperation are now openly contested not only from outside the West but from within the West itself. The question is no longer whether what is called the ‘post-1945 consensus’ will hold. The question is what replaces it, and on whose terms.</p>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Thu, 05 Mar 2026 09:30:16 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>Revitalising the narrative for international development policy: the case of Germany</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/revitalising-the-narrative-for-international-development-policy-the-case-of-germany/</link>
			<description>This contribution to the Korean Development </description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This contribution to the Korean Development Institute's Knowledge Brief series contextualises and analyses the German Federal Ministry for Economic Co-Operation and Development's reform plan, as published in January 2026.</p>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Wed, 04 Mar 2026 09:28:49 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>From mines to markets: Gravity model insights on critical raw material trade</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/from-mines-to-markets-gravity-model-insights-on-critical-raw-material-trade-1/</link>
			<description>Access to critical raw materials (CRMs) is increasingly shaped by geopolitical dynamics, sparking a global competition for supply security. Using the gravity model of trade, we examine how OECD countries leverage Aid for Trade (AfT), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) to influence CRM imports from developing countries. Panel data from 1995–2023 show that while intensive-margin effects of North-South PTAs appear economically negligible in the global trade equilibrium, these agreements play a strategic role in facilitating market entry and shaping supply-chain geography. Our results underscore that a coordinated mix of trade diplomacy, investment frameworks, and targeted aid is key to resilient and diversified CRM access for OECD countries.
</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Access to critical raw materials (CRMs) is increasingly shaped by geopolitical dynamics, sparking a global competition for supply security. Using the gravity model of trade, we examine how OECD countries leverage Aid for Trade (AfT), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) to influence CRM imports from developing countries. Panel data from 1995–2023 show that while intensive-margin effects of North-South PTAs appear economically negligible in the global trade equilibrium, these agreements play a strategic role in facilitating market entry and shaping supply-chain geography. Our results underscore that a coordinated mix of trade diplomacy, investment frameworks, and targeted aid is key to resilient and diversified CRM access for OECD countries.</p>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Wed, 04 Mar 2026 07:43:00 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>The evolution of bus rapid transit: Origins, impacts, and policy lessons</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/the-evolution-of-bus-rapid-transit-origins-impacts-and-policy-lessons/</link>
			<description>This chapter traces the evolution of bus rapid transit (BRT) and examines its implications for urban mobility policymaking, particularly in cities in the Global South. It reviews BRT’s historical origins and global diffusion, its socio-economic and environmental impacts, as well as the distinct political dynamics that characterize the system’s implementation and operations. The chapter posits that BRT has undergone three key transformations since the 1960s-70s. The system originally emerged as a cost-effective alternative to urban rail projects, in the 2000s it then reinvented itself as a tool for sustainable urban development, and most recently it has started to reinvent itself yet again as a planning instrument for transportation formalization. Despite these changes in the policy objectives underpinning BRT initiatives, the system’s core innovation has remained unchanged: its modular flexibility. This flexibility has enabled the system’s widespread adoption and adaptation. The chapter argues that BRT offers policymakers an instructive case of how context-sensitive transit planning can help cities build more efficient, inclusive, and sustainable urban mobility systems.
</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This chapter traces the evolution of bus rapid transit (BRT) and examines its implications for urban mobility policymaking, particularly in cities in the Global South. It reviews BRT’s historical origins and global diffusion, its socio-economic and environmental impacts, as well as the distinct political dynamics that characterize the system’s implementation and operations. The chapter posits that BRT has undergone three key transformations since the 1960s-70s. The system originally emerged as a cost-effective alternative to urban rail projects, in the 2000s it then reinvented itself as a tool for sustainable urban development, and most recently it has started to reinvent itself yet again as a planning instrument for transportation formalization. Despite these changes in the policy objectives underpinning BRT initiatives, the system’s core innovation has remained unchanged: its modular flexibility. This flexibility has enabled the system’s widespread adoption and adaptation. The chapter argues that BRT offers policymakers an instructive case of how context-sensitive transit planning can help cities build more efficient, inclusive, and sustainable urban mobility systems.</p>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Tue, 03 Mar 2026 16:01:38 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>(UN)Ordnungsmacht? BRICS bei den Vereinten Nationen </title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/unordnungsmacht-brics-bei-den-vereinten-nationen/</link>
			<description>Seit ihrer Gründung verweist die BRICS-Gruppe immer wieder auf die Vereinten Nationen als zentralen Rahmen der internationalen Ordnung. Trotz des Gewichts einzelner BRICS-Mitglieder gelingt es BRICS als Gruppe aufgrund interner Diskrepanzen aber bisher nicht, etablierte Ordnungselemente zu unterminieren oder alternative Ordnungsvorschläge zu lancieren.
</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Seit ihrer Gründung verweist die BRICS-Gruppe immer wieder auf die Vereinten Nationen als zentralen Rahmen der internationalen Ordnung. Trotz des Gewichts einzelner BRICS-Mitglieder gelingt es BRICS als Gruppe aufgrund interner Diskrepanzen aber bisher nicht, etablierte Ordnungselemente zu unterminieren oder alternative Ordnungsvorschläge zu lancieren.</p>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Tue, 03 Mar 2026 10:21:44 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>Mobilising and scaling local climate action</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/policy-brief/article/mobilising-and-scaling-local-climate-action/</link>
			<description>As the world approaches global warming tipping points, local climate engagement ensures that climate actions are equitable, effective, and aligned with local needs. This policy brief explores options to mobilise and scale up local climate action.  </description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>As the world approaches global warming tipping points, local climate engagement aims at climate actions that are equitable, effective and aligned with local needs. Strengthening and scaling up these initiatives can amplify impact, though efforts are often fragmented and require strengthened coordination. This policy brief identifies barriers and enablers of local climate action, how it is best scaled up, and how international actors – donors, policymakers, city and research networks, businesses and others – can support this process.&nbsp;<br />
Building on these insights, the following points outline key conditions for strengthening, scaling up and sustaining locally led climate action:<br />
•&nbsp; &nbsp; community-centred co-creation – investing in participatory, culturally grounded processes that map local needs, integrate diverse knowledge, and establish a common language;<br />
•&nbsp; &nbsp; predictable, flexible funding – providing long-term resources for locally led climate action, and planning additional finance to scale up solutions, including those involving knowledge sharing platforms and coordi-nation capacity;<br />
•&nbsp; &nbsp; private-sector engagement – creating incentives aligned with climate and community priorities, such as collaboration in the development of green products, in facilitating their market access and assisting with certification and value-chain regulations.<br />
•&nbsp; &nbsp; multilevel coordination and data sharing – establishing clear institutional pathways, monitoring mechanisms and interoperable data platforms to connect local action with national and international policies, leveraging synergies, and increasing accountability; and<br />
•&nbsp; &nbsp; just international partnerships – supporting local and Southern priorities through green development opportunities, ensuring fairness and co-benefits for the partners involved.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>
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			<category>Policy Brief</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Tue, 03 Mar 2026 09:06:18 +0100</pubDate>
			<enclosure url="https://www.idos-research.de/fileadmin/user_upload/pdfs/publikationen/Policy_Brief/2026/PB_5.2026.pdf" length ="403634" type="application/pdf" />
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			<title>Surveying just transition pathways in global climate policy</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/surveying-just-transition-pathways-in-global-climate-policy/</link>
			<description>Just Transitions (JT) toward sustainable, equitable, and low-carbon futures have become a central focus of global climate policy, exemplified by initiatives such as Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JET-Ps) and the UNFCCC Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP). For some actors, JT is understood in sectoral terms, focusing on energy transitions. Others emphasise more transformative approaches grounded in global structural reform and climate justice. Although existing scholarship has mapped JT framings in the literature, across national climate policy and non-academic frameworks, no study has yet examined how individuals shaping global climate policy themselves understand and prioritise JT. Approximately 130 Blue Zone-accredited attendees (i.e. those with access to the formal negotiations) were surveyed at COP28 in Dubai, including party delegates, policy-makers, civil society representatives and others. The survey was structured around five JT typologies – from least to most transformative – drawn from existing literature, as well two novel typologies: one centered on energy, another on sustainable development. Results indicate a strong preference for approaches extending beyond energy to encompass broader sustainable development concerns, with policy coherence identified as a crucial governance principle. Respondents also favour more transformative policies around global structural reform and climate finance for lower-income countries, while the most prioritized justice dimension is accountability and responsibility for climate change. The results also show differences in preferences between participants from high- and lower-income countries, with the latter favouring more transformative notions of JT. However, overall, JT preferences straddle multiple typologies, suggesting that policy mixes delivering broader sustainable development outcomes could provide an effective and politically viable way to reconcile competing views. By exploring the perspectives of those shaping global climate policy, the paper enriches scholarly discussions on JT framings, while offering guidance and directions for the ongoing JTWP negotiations amidst the latest COP30 decision to establish a global just transition mechanism.
</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Just Transitions (JT) toward sustainable, equitable, and low-carbon futures have become a central focus of global climate policy, exemplified by initiatives such as Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JET-Ps) and the UNFCCC Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP). For some actors, JT is understood in sectoral terms, focusing on energy transitions. Others emphasise more transformative approaches grounded in global structural reform and climate justice. Although existing scholarship has mapped JT framings in the literature, across national climate policy and non-academic frameworks, no study has yet examined how individuals shaping global climate policy themselves understand and prioritise JT. Approximately 130 Blue Zone-accredited attendees (i.e. those with access to the formal negotiations) were surveyed at COP28 in Dubai, including party delegates, policy-makers, civil society representatives and others. The survey was structured around five JT typologies – from least to most transformative – drawn from existing literature, as well two novel typologies: one centered on energy, another on sustainable development. Results indicate a strong preference for approaches extending beyond energy to encompass broader sustainable development concerns, with policy coherence identified as a crucial governance principle. Respondents also favour more transformative policies around global structural reform and climate finance for lower-income countries, while the most prioritized justice dimension is accountability and responsibility for climate change. The results also show differences in preferences between participants from high- and lower-income countries, with the latter favouring more transformative notions of JT. However, overall, JT preferences straddle multiple typologies, suggesting that policy mixes delivering broader sustainable development outcomes could provide an effective and politically viable way to reconcile competing views. By exploring the perspectives of those shaping global climate policy, the paper enriches scholarly discussions on JT framings, while offering guidance and directions for the ongoing JTWP negotiations amidst the latest COP30 decision to establish a global just transition mechanism.</p>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Tue, 03 Mar 2026 08:46:45 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>Pressure on civil society spaces</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/the-current-column/article/pressure-on-civil-society-spaces/</link>
			<description>The questioning of the political neutrality of certain CSOs are increasingly being instrumentalised to delegitimise unwanted criticism.</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Bonn, 2 March 2026.<strong> The space for civil society action is shrinking in Europe as well. This development must be opposed with determination.</strong></p>

<p>“Shrinking space”, the shrinking of spaces and opportunities for civil society to exert influence, has been an ongoing topic in foreign and development policy for years. Data from the <a href="https://www.v-dem.net/">Varieties of Democracy Initiative</a> (V-Dem) shows that the repression of civil society organisations (CSOs) has also gradually increased in Europe since 2010, albeit at a rather low level so far. As early as 2022, the <a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/ATAG/2022/729269/EPRS_ATA(2022)729269_EN.pdf">EU Parliament</a> discussed the shrinking of civil society spaces in the EU.</p>

<p><a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2014/02/closing-space-democracy-and-human-rights-support-under-fire">Research</a> on “shrinking space” in non-OECD countries has long emphasised the efforts of governments to restrict and delegitimise the “political activities” of CSOs. While CSOs often fulfil the task of highlighting social and political grievances, their political neutrality is the subject of increasingly heated debate – including in Europe. In principle, the political neutrality requirement for CSOs in a democracy is primarily intended to ensure that CSOs recognised as non-profit organisations do not act in a party-political manner. Among other things, this is intended to ensure fairness in the distribution of state funds. However, both the targeted questioning of the political neutrality of certain CSOs and the use of mechanisms for creating transparency are increasingly being instrumentalised to delegitimise unwanted criticism. For example, after years of state interference, the Fidesz government in Hungary introduced another restrictive <a href="https://de.euronews.com/2025/05/15/ungarn-gesetz-uber-auslandische-agenten-nach-russischem-vorbild">bill</a> in 2025, which addressed the alleged threat to national sovereignty and the alleged “influencing of the democratic debate” by CSOs.</p>

<p>However, criticism of CSOs’ alleged lack of political neutrality and transparency is not limited to countries such as Hungary. It also comes not only from governments, but also from non-governmental actors, above all from right-wing populist parties. In Germany, there was a massive increase in critical <a href="https://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/afd-anfragen-ngo-finanzierung-probleme-li.3392576?reduced=true">parliamentary inquiries about CSOs</a> in 2024 and 2025. The majority came from the AfD parliamentary group (Alternative for Germany), which uses democratic procedures to weaken democratic institutions. In January 2026, the AfD parliamentary group set up a <a href="https://www.politico.eu/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/26/CLEANDoc_NGO-Aufklarung-AG-NGO.pdf">working group</a> on “NGO investigation” and advertised a position for a <a href="https://stellen.afdbundestag.de/wissenschaftlicher-referent-im-bereich-ngo-aufklaerung">policy officer</a> to, among other things, build up a database on CSOs and their funding in order to develop further parliamentary inquiries on this basis.</p>

<p>However, an initiative from the democratic spectrum, which was launched one year ago, on 24 February 2025, also made headlines. In its <a href="https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/20/150/2015035.pdf">brief inquiry</a> “Political neutrality of state-funded organisations”, the CDU/CSU parliamentary group called on the Federal Government of the time to examine whether 15 CSOs met the criterion of political neutrality. It argued that “some voices” viewed the CSOs as a “shadow structure that indirectly pursues politics with state funds”, referring to polarising reporting in the newspaper “Welt”. The CSOs named in the brief inquiry had demonstrated against the CDU/CSU parliamentary group’s decision to vote with the AfD on migration-related issues in the German parliament. In November 2025, “Die Linke” countered by asking for information about any state funding of the right-wing conservative think tank “R21” in a brief <a href="https://www.bundestag.de/presse/hib/kurzmeldungen-1125938">inquiry</a>. On both occasions, the respective government rejected far-reaching requests for information regarding the non-profit status and finances of specific CSOs, also invoking the separation of powers.</p>

<p>A <a href="https://euractiv.de/news/eu-abgeordnete-im-schlagabtausch-streit-um-ngo-finanzierung/">debate</a> on CSO funding was initiated in the EU Parliament in January 2025 under the leadership of CSU MEP Monika Hohlmeier. The occasion for this was <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/feb/04/rightwing-meps-threaten-huge-funding-freeze-for-environmental-ngos">criticism</a> of CSOs’ alleged “lobbying” in an EU-funded project on climate issues. The EU Commission was accused of paying CSOs to convince the EU Parliament to adopt a more ambitious climate policy. Although the <a href="https://www.eca.europa.eu/en/publications?ref=SR-2025-11">European Court of Auditors</a> found no waste of taxpayers’ money, a <a href="https://www.eppgroup.eu/newsroom/parliament-starts-scrutiny-of-the-commission-s-funding-of-ngos">working group</a> was set up to scrutinise the funding of CSOs by the EU. In the vote on the establishment of the working group, the European People’s Party allied itself with the right-wing populist Patriots for Europe, among others.</p>

<p>Such initiatives not only have an impact on public perception, but also create uncertainty for politically active CSOs. Research on <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epdf/10.1080/1369183X.2022.2099363?needAccess=true">Europe</a> as well as on <a href="https://www.giga-hamburg.de/en/publications/giga-focus/sustaining-civic-space-in-times-of-covid-19-global-trends">other parts of the world</a> in this connection refers to a “chilling effect”, whereby CSOs limit their political activities or adapt their communication in anticipation of future repression. In order to preserve civic space in Europe, initiatives to delegitimise CSOs and restrict political freedoms must be opposed at an early stage.</p>

<p>In times of increasing autocratisation, German and European policy should recognise and promote the important role of a politically active democratic civil society. In addition to a <a href="https://freiheitsrechte.org/uploads/publications/Demokratie/Rechtsgutachten_Gemeinnuetzigkeit-Gesellschaft_fuer_Freiheitsrechte-2020-Gemeinnuetzigkeit_politisches_Engagement.pdf">reform of non-profit law</a>, this requires an open debate between all democratic camps on the role of civil society. In times of increasing polarisation, governments, political parties, CSOs and citizens need to be ready to expose themselves to opposing views and – if necessary – to argue about them. Red lines exist where the democratic system and fundamental values such as human dignity are violated.</p>
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			<category>The Current Column</category>
			
			<author>presse@idos-research.de</author>
			<pubDate>Mon, 02 Mar 2026 10:00:00 +0100</pubDate>
			<enclosure url="https://www.idos-research.de/fileadmin/user_upload/pdfs/publikationen/aktuelle_kolumne/2026/German_Institute_of_Development_and_Sustainability_EN_Gutheil_Lorch_02.03.2026.pdf" length ="345494" type="application/pdf" />
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			<title>Entwicklungszusammenarbeit</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/entwicklungszusammenarbeit-1/</link>
			<description>Die europäische Entwicklungspolitik hat sich parallel zum europäischen Integrationsprozess stetig weiterentwickelt. Während der Politikbereich ursprünglich auf die überseeischen Länder und Gebiete (ULG) in Afrika beschränkt war, kamen mit jeder Erweiterungsrunde der Europäischen Union (EU) neue Zielregionen dazu. Heute arbeitet die EU in diesem Bereich mit nahezu allen Weltregionen zusammen. Damit hat die EU in ihrer Entwicklungszusammenarbeit eine deutlich breitere geografische Orientierung als die einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten. Ein dichtes Netzwerk von EU-Delegationen vor Ort ermöglicht die Kooperation in allen Weltregionen. Auch finanziell ist die EU ein Schwergewicht in der Entwicklungspolitik: 2023 brachten die EU und ihre 27 Mitgliedstaaten zusammen 42 % der gesamten öffentlichen Entwicklungshilfe weltweit auf, insgesamt 95,9 Mrd. €.
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			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Die europäische Entwicklungspolitik hat sich parallel zum europäischen Integrationsprozess stetig weiterentwickelt. Während der Politikbereich ursprünglich auf die überseeischen Länder und Gebiete (ULG) in Afrika beschränkt war, kamen mit jeder Erweiterungsrunde der Europäischen Union (EU) neue Zielregionen dazu. Heute arbeitet die EU in diesem Bereich mit nahezu allen Weltregionen zusammen. Damit hat die EU in ihrer Entwicklungszusammenarbeit eine deutlich breitere geografische Orientierung als die einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten. Ein dichtes Netzwerk von EU-Delegationen vor Ort ermöglicht die Kooperation in allen Weltregionen. Auch finanziell ist die EU ein Schwergewicht in der Entwicklungspolitik: 2023 brachten die EU und ihre 27 Mitgliedstaaten zusammen 42 % der gesamten öffentlichen Entwicklungshilfe weltweit auf, insgesamt 95,9 Mrd. €.</p>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Mon, 02 Mar 2026 09:15:25 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>Trump’s tariffs have gutted Agoa’s duty‑free promise: our model shows how</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/trumps-tariffs-have-gutted-agoas-duty-free-promise-our-model-shows-how/</link>
			<description>AGOA technically lives on after a one-year extension, but its main advantage has largely disappeared since the US added tariffs on top of it. Our simulations show the new tariff regime drives large declines in US-bound exports, with the steepest damage in a few AGOA-dependent countries and sectors such as apparel. The shock is forcing African policymakers to think beyond fragile preferences and build resilience through diversification and stronger regional and alternative market links.</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>AGOA technically lives on after a one-year extension, but its main advantage has largely disappeared since the US added tariffs on top of it. Our simulations show the new tariff regime drives large declines in US-bound exports, with the steepest damage in a few AGOA-dependent countries and sectors such as apparel. The shock is forcing African policymakers to think beyond fragile preferences and build resilience through diversification and stronger regional and alternative market links.</p>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Mon, 02 Mar 2026 08:27:25 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>Towards a UN with Chinese characteristics? Heralding shifts in multilateral order</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/towards-a-un-with-chinese-characteristics-heralding-shifts-in-multilateral-order/</link>
			<description>The People’s Republic of China has considerably expanded its engagement with the United Nations (UN) system, but its influence differs significantly across issue areas. Despite this unevenness, patterns in Beijing’s multilateral priorities suggest what a growing Chinese footprint may portend for the future of the UN. We examine this via three main dimensions. With regard to the underlying logic of multilateralism, China emphasises intergovernmental control at the expense of more autonomous UN bureaucracies. On the substance of multilateralism, China’s objective to ensure the primacy of the state challenges core liberal values long promoted by the UN. In terms of multilateral power dynamics, Beijing works towards increasing space for the UN’s developing country majority, with China as its de facto leader. The Trump administration’s attack on international organisations further strengthens Beijing’s bid to reshape UN multilateralism. The paper assesses the implications of these reordering pathways and concludes with policy recommendations.
</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The People’s Republic of China has considerably expanded its engagement with the United Nations (UN) system, but its influence differs significantly across issue areas. Despite this unevenness, patterns in Beijing’s multilateral priorities suggest what a growing Chinese footprint may portend for the future of the UN. We examine this via three main dimensions. With regard to the underlying logic of multilateralism, China emphasises intergovernmental control at the expense of more autonomous UN bureaucracies. On the substance of multilateralism, China’s objective to ensure the primacy of the state challenges core liberal values long promoted by the UN. In terms of multilateral power dynamics, Beijing works towards increasing space for the UN’s developing country majority, with China as its de facto leader. The Trump administration’s attack on international organisations further strengthens Beijing’s bid to reshape UN multilateralism. The paper assesses the implications of these reordering pathways and concludes with policy recommendations.</p>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Sun, 01 Mar 2026 17:42:27 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>How to build digital citizenship in the 21st century </title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/how-to-build-digital-citizenship-in-the-21st-century/</link>
			<description>Digitalisation is reshaping economies, politics and societies worldwide, creating both opportunities for inclusion and risks of deepening inequality. While digital literacy frameworks exist, they remain fragmented and insufficiently connected to broader goals of citizenship education. Without equipping teachers and learners with the competencies to think critically, act ethically and participate constructively in digital spaces, democratic institutions and individual well-being are at risk. Building on UNESCO’s Global Citizenship Education and Digital Literacy Global frameworks, this brief argues that integrating digital literacy into citizenship education, standardising teacher training across contexts and promoting international cooperation – particularly through the G20 – are key to ensuring that all citizens become empowered, responsible and globally connected digital actors.
</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Digitalisation is reshaping economies, politics and societies worldwide, creating both opportunities for inclusion and risks of deepening inequality. While digital literacy frameworks exist, they remain fragmented and insufficiently connected to broader goals of citizenship education. Without equipping teachers and learners with the competencies to think critically, act ethically and participate constructively in digital spaces, democratic institutions and individual well-being are at risk. Building on UNESCO’s Global Citizenship Education and Digital Literacy Global frameworks, this brief argues that integrating digital literacy into citizenship education, standardising teacher training across contexts and promoting international cooperation – particularly through the G20 – are key to ensuring that all citizens become empowered, responsible and globally connected digital actors.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Thu, 26 Feb 2026 10:32:04 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>The social contract and collective action: grievances, cleavages, and protests in Tunisia and Lebanon</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/the-social-contract-and-collective-action-grievances-cleavages-and-protests-in-tunisia-and-lebanon/</link>
			<description>The article examines how citizens’ expectations in social contracts lead them to take to the streets for contentious collective action. It draws on original, nationally representative telephone surveys in Tunisia and Lebanon that we commissioned in late 2020 and unpacks popular preferences about the social contract and states’ obligations to deliver social service provision, protection, and political participation. We measure empirically whether participation in protest can be explained predominantly by people’s grievances with their states’ social contract obligations or the position of people in society. Findings reveal intriguing differences between the two countries, but also among social groups within societies. We find that socially privileged people are more likely to take to the streets in pursuit of their demands, lending support to theories that identify society’s middle classes as drivers of protest action. We believe that the article’s findings will have significant implications for studies of contentious state society relations in the MENA region and beyond.
</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The article examines how citizens’ expectations in social contracts lead them to take to the streets for contentious collective action. It draws on original, nationally representative telephone surveys in Tunisia and Lebanon that we commissioned in late 2020 and unpacks popular preferences about the social contract and states’ obligations to deliver social service provision, protection, and political participation. We measure empirically whether participation in protest can be explained predominantly by people’s grievances with their states’ social contract obligations or the position of people in society. Findings reveal intriguing differences between the two countries, but also among social groups within societies. We find that socially privileged people are more likely to take to the streets in pursuit of their demands, lending support to theories that identify society’s middle classes as drivers of protest action. We believe that the article’s findings will have significant implications for studies of contentious state society relations in the MENA region and beyond.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Wed, 25 Feb 2026 12:24:28 +0100</pubDate>
			
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			<title>Why do people care about polar animals?</title>
			<link>https://www.idos-research.de//en/others-publications/article/why-do-people-care-about-polar-animals/</link>
			<description></description>
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			<category>External Publications</category>
			
			
			<pubDate>Tue, 24 Feb 2026 10:54:52 +0100</pubDate>
			
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